Top Republican Jewish donors find themselves grappling with an increasingly alarming antisemitism problem within their own party, yet they remain at odds over how best to address it.
In the aftermath of a controversial podcast featuring Tucker Carlson and Holocaust denier Nick Fuentes, a rift has emerged within the GOP regarding the party’s response to antisemitic figures. While some high-profile donors are opting for silence, others express feelings of political alienation in a party that some assert is developing a “Nazi problem.”
Meanwhile, certain influential donors are preparing to take a stand against Republican primary candidates who promote antisemitism. This urgency heightened after Fuentes, riding a wave of new notoriety, declared in November his intention to relaunch a 501(c)(4) aimed at the 2026 midterms. He stated his goal was to “infiltrate politics” and “guide people and help them understand who to vote for,” with a particular focus on dismantling what he described as the “Israel First lobby” and the “Make Israel Great Again movement.”
“There’s no clear-cut solution, but I do see a coalition forming to resist this agenda,” remarked Eytan Laor, a Republican bundler and founder of the American Principles PAC, which aligns pro-Israel elected officials and donors. He emphasized that social media has become a potent medium for disseminating antisemitic or anti-Israel rhetoric. “It’s staggering how influential they’ve become, especially through personalities like Tucker and Candace [Owens],” who has previously downplayed the Holocaust and referred to Israel as a “cult nation.”
The unrest among prominent pro-Israel donors, who play a pivotal role in the Republican Party’s funding, underscores the precariousness of this political moment for conservative American Jews. Many feel that the Democratic Party has allowed antisemitism to creep into its mainstream discourse in recent years; now, they worry that a similar fate could befall the GOP.
This internal discord came to a head when Carlson hosted Fuentes on his podcast on October 27, where Fuentes lauded Stalin and identified “organized Jewry” as a major hurdle to national unity. Carlson, a prominent figure in conservative media, remarked that Republican supporters of Israel are afflicted with a “brain virus.”
The fallout from this episode resonated throughout the party, leading to public rebukes from Senators Ted Cruz (R-Texas), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), and conservative podcaster Ben Shapiro, who has long opposed Fuentes. Initially, Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts defended the podcast, igniting controversy within the think tank and drawing widespread condemnation. When asked about the incident, former President Donald Trump stated that Carlson had the right to interview Fuentes and that “people have to decide for themselves.”
This turmoil has also unsettled donors. One prominent Jewish Republican donor, who requested anonymity to speak candidly, criticized Carlson’s differing treatment of Cruz and Fuentes: “When Tucker had Ted Cruz on, who supports Israel, he attacked him relentlessly. But with Nick Fuentes, it was like a lap dance.”
“The lines between anti-Israel sentiment and antisemitism are often blurred. Many cloak their true feelings behind criticisms of Israel, which complicates the issue since legitimate critique is valid,” the donor explained. “I can spot it when it’s blatant, and unfortunately, there’s a significant amount of classic antisemitism hiding behind free speech and isolationist rhetoric.”
Matt Brooks, CEO of the Republican Jewish Coalition, stated that his organization would focus on preventing any Fuentes-aligned candidates from winning office. “We must ensure that individuals with such views are kept out of positions of influence, as we’ve seen on the Democratic side,” Brooks asserted.
Brooks, alongside other Republicans, has suggested that antisemitism remains largely confined to the fringes of the GOP. At the RJC’s recent leadership summit, Rep. David Kustoff (R-Tenn.), the longest-serving Jewish Republican in Congress, and Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fla.), a pro-Israel freshman self-styled as the “Hebrew Hammer,” downplayed the extent of antisemitism within the party, claiming it resides only on the “fringes.”
During an RJC speech, Graham echoed these sentiments, asserting that while individuals might espouse bizarre beliefs in private, any candidate seeking Republican office who embraces such rhetoric would face strong opposition. “You can sit in your basement and say weird things—it’s a free country. But if you run for office as a Republican and embrace this weirdness, we’re going to take you down,” he stated.
Gabriel Groisman, a GOP donor from Florida, indicated that he and fellow Jewish donors are committed to ensuring that such individuals do not ascend to power. “As soon as we see a candidate with those views, you’ll hear from me and my colleagues, using whatever platform we have to ensure they don’t get elected,” Groisman, an attorney and former mayor of Bal Harbour, Florida, remarked.
Other donors recognize the problem but are uncertain about how to counter this rising tide. “The urgency to vet whether I’m backing an antisemitic kook has tragically increased,” lamented another anonymous Jewish donor.
Carlson’s interview with Fuentes followed several other notable instances of antisemitism on the political right. In October, Paul Ingrassia, a nominee to lead the Office of Special Counsel, withdrew his nomination after boasting about his “Nazi streak” in a text message. Just days earlier, POLITICO reported on a leaked group chat of Young Republicans who praised Hitler and joked about the Holocaust, while a Nazi symbol was found hanging in a GOP congressional office.
These incidents coincide with a potential shift in the political landscape among U.S. Jews. In 2024, Trump improved his standing among Jewish voters compared to 2020, particularly in areas with significant Jewish populations, including neighborhoods in Brooklyn like Brighton Beach, as noted in an analysis by Tablet Magazine. A recent Washington Post poll suggests that Jewish Americans now view the Democratic and Republican parties as equally favorable, a significant shift from five years ago when Democrats held a 15-point advantage on this question. The percentage of U.S. Jews who perceive the Democratic Party as unfriendly has surged from 10 percent in 2020 to 31 percent in 2025.
Trump highlighted his electoral gains among Jewish Republicans during a video message at the recent RJC summit, claiming he secured the “highest percentage of the Jewish vote of any Republican since 1988.”
Simultaneously, the American electorate is altering its perceptions of Israel. Nearly 60 percent of Americans now harbor an unfavorable view of the Israeli government, according to a September Pew Research Center Poll. This dissatisfaction has sharply increased since 2022, when a slight majority of those surveyed still held positive views of Israel. The shift is particularly pronounced among younger Republicans: in the past three years, the number of Republicans under 50 with a negative view of Israel jumped from 35 percent to 50 percent, according to another recent Pew poll.
As the Republican Party begins to navigate a post-Trump landscape, the response to rising antisemitism will likely play a pivotal role in the upcoming 2028 presidential race, with potential candidates vying for the support of pro-Israel voters and donors. Ari Fleischer, speaking at the RJC summit, asserted that candidates’ stances on antisemitism will “define” the Republican primary. “The number of candidates running for president will be significant on the Republican side, and we expect that to intensify in about a year,” said Fleischer, who served as White House press secretary under former President George W. Bush and is a board member of the RJC. “J.D. [Vance] will have to earn his place like everyone else, and I’m very curious to see what he has to say.”
Nick Muzin, a lobbyist and former aide to Cruz and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), noted a “lot of outreach” from Jewish donors toward Vance regarding his stance on Israel. “He’s newer, younger, and doesn’t have a long track record on Israel, so there’s less certainty. But we’re making efforts to build those relationships,” said Muzin.
