In a political landscape increasingly dominated by loyalty to former President Donald Trump, a trio of state-level Republicans—an outspoken governor from New Hampshire, a nonconformist octogenarian from Nebraska, and a Kansas lawmaker who defied his party’s stance on transgender issues—are unexpectedly standing as a formidable barrier against Trump’s relentless redistricting agenda.
Despite Trump’s attempts at coercion and intimidation, it appears that some Republicans at the state level are determined to resist a strategy that, while legally dubious, aims to bolster the GOP’s prospects in the upcoming elections for the House of Representatives.
Take Indiana, for instance, where Senate leader Rodric Bray has publicly stated that he lacks the necessary support within his caucus to initiate a redistricting effort, even as GOP Governor Mike Braun has called for a special session starting next week to address the matter.
At the behest of the White House, Republicans have already engineered the creation of seven new GOP-favored House seats through mid-decade redistricting across three states. However, this nationwide remapping campaign is losing momentum. This stagnation can largely be attributed to state-level Republicans who have chosen to stand firm against Trump’s threats of primary challenges. As cracks begin to appear in Trump’s redistricting strategy, Democrats are becoming increasingly aware of the potential pitfalls ahead, as reported by POLITICO this week.
The small cadre of Republicans willing to oppose Trump represents a dwindling faction in a party that has largely succumbed to the MAGA ethos, firmly ensconced under Trump’s influence.
“If they want to threaten me with something, I don’t know what it’d be,” remarked Kansas Republican Rep. Mark Schreiber, a notable holdout against the redistricting push, in a recent interview. “I’m fine with the stance I’m at.”
In Trump’s desperate bid to maintain congressional control for the remainder of his term, he is heavily relying on redistricting to thwart Democratic efforts to reclaim the House, which requires them to gain just three additional seats to regain some semblance of power in Washington.
However, despite backing from within Congress and the broader Republican base, state-level officials are revealing that Trump’s influence does not extend to coercing seasoned politicians—many of whom are comfortably ensconced in safe seats and show little concern for the national political climate.
This collective indifference to Trump’s threats underscores the limitations of his authority, despite his successful efforts to reshape the party in his image and his dominance over Republicans in Congress.
“Trump absolutely controls the national narrative on a day-to-day basis, but politics remains fundamentally local,” observed GOP operative Matthew Bartlett, a native of New Hampshire. “Managing affairs at the national level is challenging enough; good luck trying to micromanage the intricacies of state politics.”
In both Kansas and Nebraska, GOP leaders face stringent requirements to achieve the necessary margins for redistricting, leaving hesitant members under scrutiny and, paradoxically, in a position of strength.
In Kansas, Republicans need a two-thirds majority to convene a special session for redistricting and to override an anticipated veto from Democratic Governor Laura Kelly. Senate President Ty Masterson, a contender to succeed Kelly, is actively promoting the special session petition.
Yet, not all are eager to participate in this political maneuvering.
Schreiber, one of the staunch holdouts, expressed his view that mid-decade redistricting should not morph into a political weapon ahead of the midterms, advocating instead for maps that align with the decennial census.
“If they called, I would tell them basically the same thing,” Schreiber reiterated. “I’m not changing that viewpoint.”
Meanwhile, in Nebraska, where party unity is essential within the unicameral legislature, state Senator Merv Riepe is proving to be an obstacle. The 83-year-old Republican indicated that discussions surrounding a potential adjustment to the congressional seat held by Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) have stalled since their initial proposal in September, and he remains opposed to such a move.
“It seemed like simply a party maneuver,” Riepe commented in an interview. “My position hasn’t changed. I don’t see it as a necessity for us.”
Riepe has previously thwarted attempts that could have benefitted Trump, including blocking a bid in 2024 to shift the state’s electoral college votes to a winner-take-all system.
“I represent my district, and I think that’s what democracy is supposed to be about,” he stated, undeterred by a censure from the state GOP for some of his other votes.
“I intend to stand for reelection again come November,” Riepe quipped. “Partly because I’m no good at hunting, no good at fishing, and my friends tell me I’m no good at golf. I enjoy the give-and-take and discussion that politics entails.”
His independent approach has even inspired a local store to create “Hot Merv Summer” T-shirts after he thwarted a nearly total abortion ban in the state.
In Indiana, the pressure from the White House and conservative groups has been particularly intense. Vice President JD Vance has made two visits to the Hoosier State, and Trump himself has reached out to hesitant lawmakers. However, Bray’s office confirmed on Monday that the Senate still lacks the votes for redistricting, with approximately a dozen lawmakers remaining opposed.
“To those trying to bully me over redistricting, I love you,” declared Indiana state Senator Greg Goode in a post on X last week. “I pray for wisdom and reflect on political heroes who stood up for the greater good above the politics of the day.”
When approached for an interview, Goode stated that he would not disclose his stance on redistricting until Braun calls a special session, which took place on Monday morning. Following this announcement, Goode revealed plans to host a “listening session” on redistricting over the weekend, and at least one previously hesitant lawmaker has since expressed support for the initiative.
Former Vice President Mike Pence, once Indiana’s unassuming Republican governor, has also voiced skepticism regarding the issue being championed by his former boss.
While Indiana faces the most pressure from the White House, few states have incited as much ire as New Hampshire, where Trump’s political team is threatening to primary Governor Kelly Ayotte. She has maintained that the timing is not right for redrawing the state’s congressional lines. Trump loyalist Corey Lewandowski has even expressed interest in a run earlier this month.
A recent initiative from within New Hampshire’s legislature has also stalled, as state Senator Dan Innis withdrew his own redistricting bill, opting not to “create a difficult situation in my own house.” Republicans still have another potential legislative avenue in the House, but they are hesitant to move forward without Ayotte’s backing.
The GOP is navigating a distinct political landscape in New Hampshire. Although redrawing the state’s two Democratic-controlled congressional districts could potentially make the purple 1st District more competitive, seasoned GOP operatives in the state are skeptical that such changes would guarantee a victory for their party.
“I don’t think she believes she’s standing up to him or defying him,” remarked Dave Carney, a veteran Republican strategist in New Hampshire, regarding Ayotte’s position. “It’s just not as straightforward in states where the capacity to manipulate the maps is limited.”
Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.
