In the aftermath of the fall of mainland China to Communist forces in 1949, a fierce debate erupted not just within the U.S. government but also across the American populace. At that time, the nation was still reveling in the unconditional surrenders of both Japan and Germany, basking in what seemed an unassailable position on the global stage, while the threats posed by Soviet Communism were yet to fully materialize. Interestingly, many forget that Nationalist China, under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, stood shoulder to shoulder with the United States, the U.S.S.R., the United Kingdom, and France as one of the “Big Five” Allied Powers that triumphed over the Axis forces.
When Chiang Kai-shek made his dramatic flight from Chengdu to Taiwan on December 7, 1949—a territory that had never been a part of mainland China—shockwaves reverberated throughout the United States. This mass exodus saw two million of his supporters cross the Taiwan Straits, igniting a contentious debate: “Who lost China?” Many Americans, particularly those who held an affection for Chiang’s wife, Lady Chiang, and for the nation of China itself, were alarmed by the swift and unexpected collapse of the Nationalists and the ascent of Communism. The tragic death of Baptist Minister and OSS Captain John Birch at the hands of Communists in 1945 only intensified these sentiments.
Birch’s murder catalyzed the establishment of the “John Birch Society,” which has often been dismissed by mainstream media and globalists for its call to “Get us out of the United Nations.” Unfortunately, the society’s slogan now seems prophetic in light of the UN’s evolution into a largely U.S.-funded circus of globalist dysfunction, perpetuating a cycle of universal misfortune. Birch was dubbed “the first casualty in the Third World War between communists and the ever-dwindling Free World.”
One can only hope history does not repeat itself in South Korea, a nation currently undergoing a gradual, yet conspicuous, Communist coup orchestrated by Chinese interests over the past eight years. Of all America’s international allies, South Korea shares a uniquely deep bond, forged through blood, fire, and a shared commitment to freedom. Many South Koreans regard the United States as “Big Bro.”
In response to growing concerns about the upcoming elections, an American delegation has been organized to travel to South Korea as “Election Observers,” at the behest of a significant South Korean group. This delegation, comprising numerous well-known figures, aims to ensure the integrity of the elections scheduled for June 3. Alarmingly, the corrupt Korean National Election Commission (NEC) has informed the inviting group that foreign election observers would not be permitted to participate in the June 3 Special Election, implying that their presence would be construed as foreign election interference—an ironic twist given the Chinese Communist Party’s active role in undermining the electoral process.
Subsequently, large rallies have taken place outside the U.S. Embassy in Seoul, with citizens clamoring for international election observers. The Carter Center for Democracy’s 2014 Manual is often considered the “Gold Standard” for ensuring free, fair, and transparent elections. An immediate red flag for potential electoral fraud is the prohibition against observers—curiously, a principle seemingly only applicable when the Carter Center backs candidates aligned with globalist ideologies.
There exists a significant degree of confusion among Americans, including those of South Korean descent, regarding the current situation in South Korea. Some erroneously believe that the unrest is primarily instigated by North Koreans, a perspective that is not only outdated but also misleading.
The South Korean Democratic Party (KDP) has long formed an alliance with Communist China, aiming to destabilize South Korean society, integrate North Korea, and become the chief Asian ally of the Chinese regime. The party’s leader, Lee Jae-myung, has gone so far as to characterize America as an occupying force while viewing the Chinese and Russians as liberators. Such rhetoric, while it may come off as hyperbolic from an American leftist’s standpoint, is incendiary language in South Korea, and the mainstream media—both in Korea and the U.S.—has largely ignored this narrative.
Since 2017, the KDP has gained strength, winning elections despite apparent public sentiment against them. Their rise began after the impeachment and removal of former President Park Geun-hye, leading to the KDP’s ascendance following the subsequent elections. While Park’s presidency had its share of controversies, the political turmoil was effectively manipulated to facilitate a change in leadership.
Under the KDP, led by the left-leaning Moon Jae-in, the National Assembly has seen a shift in power that has resulted in the dismissal of hundreds of military and intelligence officials, dismantling the intelligence agency’s ability to defend against North Korean and Chinese threats to bolster his administration’s power and strengthen ties with China. The elections of 2017 and 2020 were marred by allegations of fraud, raising questions about the integrity of the Korean Election Commission (KEC) and the Association of World Election Bureaus (A-Web), both of which have ties to USAID funding.
As the situation in South Korea grows increasingly dire, there are reports of 160,000 special police being deployed on June 3 to maintain order—an alarming development that resembles the closing of the Iron Curtain around South Korea while the rest of the world remains oblivious. Many Koreans fear retribution from Lee’s administration post-election, with no safe haven to escape to except for the United States.
It would be unfortunate if, on June 4, we find ourselves asking, “Who lost South Korea?”
