COLUMBIA, SOUTH CAROLINA — Five years ago, this state was a linchpin in propelling Joe Biden to the presidency. Now, Democrats here are nervously eyeing the future, concerned that his beleaguered reputation could undermine their standing as an early primary state.
Whispers are circulating that some Democrats might favor New Hampshire to reclaim its status as the party’s first primary battleground, while progressives are championing the labor-centric Nevada to take the lead. Meanwhile, southern states like Georgia and North Carolina are also being considered as potential replacements for South Carolina.
“The unfortunate part is, Democrats are saying that, and they think that [South Carolina leading] is a bad part of Biden’s legacy,” said Bre Booker-Maxwell, a national committeewoman, during the state party’s convention. She raised an eyebrow at the rationale behind such a shift. “The fact that the man ran the second time, and he probably shouldn’t have run?” she queried, adding, “Some people just need to get over themselves and whatever issues they have with Joe Biden.”
Efforts to move beyond Biden and the lingering effects of the tumultuous 2024 election began this weekend, as state party insiders welcomed two out-of-state governors with ambitions for the 2028 nomination.
Governors Wes Moore of Maryland and Tim Walz of Minnesota took turns addressing the crowd while attendees enjoyed whiting filet on white bread at the annual World Famous Fish Fry, organized by the state’s Democratic kingmaker, Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.).
Walz was the first to engage the audience, stressing the importance of expanding Democratic outreach beyond a few swing states. “I went to the same seven damn states over and over and over,” he lamented. “People are pissed off in South Carolina, they’re pissed off in Texas, they’re pissed off in Indiana. … We need to change the attitude, compete in every district, compete for every school board seat.”
Moore, who delivered the keynote address at the Blue Palmetto Dinner earlier that day, received enthusiastic applause from the predominantly Black crowd when he remarked, “We come from a resilient culture,” urging them not to retreat in the face of adversity. He then redirected the conversation toward Trump, warning that the repercussions of his so-called big beautiful bill could plunge tens of thousands of children into poverty while benefiting the president’s wealthy allies.
As the speeches concluded, attendees joined in line dancing to the campaign anthem “Boots on the Ground” by South Carolina artist 803 Fresh, creating a lively atmosphere. However, the event lacked the fervor of 2019, when a multitude of 21 presidential hopefuls—including Biden—competed for the attendees’ favor. This year’s gathering, held at the EdVenture Children’s Museum, was tinged with the somber reality of recent electoral defeats.
Biden’s re-emergence into the national narrative—coupled with negative coverage revealing how his inner circle concealed his declining health—has rekindled doubts about his legacy among Democrats. “All this talk about President Biden and what should have and what could have, what might have, is a bunch of bullshit,” asserted Trav Robertson, a veteran Democratic operative and former state party chair. “We can peck that to death if you want to, but that is in the past. South Carolina represents going into the future.”
Historically, South Carolina has been pivotal in reanimating Biden’s faltering campaign. Clyburn’s endorsement ahead of the 2020 primary catapulted Biden to the nomination, prompting him to advocate for the state’s position at the front of the primary calendar. Yet, that electoral advantage feels precarious now. By opting to run for reelection, Biden drained energy from the 2024 primary, leading party officials to brace for the potential loss of their status as the kickoff state.
“I think it would be a mistake to act like South Carolina’s place [at the top] is just because of Biden, when this has been a conversation we’ve been having for 20 years,” said Nick Sottile, an attorney and executive director of the South Carolina House Democrats. He emphasized the diverse benefits of holding the primary in South Carolina, where the relatively low-cost media markets allow campaigns to reach urban, suburban, and rural areas without breaking the bank. Moreover, the state’s track record of selecting successful presidential candidates—such as Bill Clinton in 1992, Barack Obama in 2008, and Biden in 2020—stands in stark contrast to New Hampshire and Iowa.
“We get it right, and it’s a proven track record,” Sottile added. “It’s not one election and one candidate that we’re talking about.”
However, this sentiment is not universally shared. A long-serving member of the DNC committee responsible for presidential primary scheduling, speaking on condition of anonymity, hinted that South Carolina’s current leading position will face scrutiny in the coming months. “Clearly South Carolina members will want to continue to be first in the calendar for obvious reasons,” the individual noted. “I think that no one else is going to feel any kind of obligation to keep South Carolina at the top of the calendar — because Biden is gone.”
Biden’s unintentional undermining of South Carolina’s status adds to a growing sense of betrayal among those who feel he played a role in ushering in another Trump presidency. “There are people who are just mad as hell about everything that happened in 2024,” lamented Sam Skardon of Charleston, who once believed in Biden’s promise as a “bridge” candidate to a new generation. After becoming chair of the Charleston County Democrats in March 2023, he was disheartened when Biden announced his reelection bid just a month later.
“There’s a special connection here that’s a deeper attachment, I think, than most states’ Democratic Parties have to President Biden, probably up there with Delaware for thinking of him as our own,” Skardon reflected. “But yeah, then there is additional anger, I think, at Biden for … not letting us put our best foot forward.”
Some insiders suggest that blaming Biden may be too simplistic for the party’s overarching issues. Retreating from a commitment to amplify Black voters’ influence could erode trust in a demographic that is already feeling disenchanted with the party. “It is a slap in the face … to Black Americans, where people are questioning Joe Biden at this point,” said Antjuan Seawright, a Democratic strategist who resumed his role as emcee of the fish fry. “It was Joe Biden who had the steel spine, the guts and the courage to declare that Black Americans’ voices should be heard first in the presidential preference process.”
Yet, Seawright also expressed concern that many voters perceive Democrats as disconnected from their realities. “I think trust was a part of the formula for Trump’s success in the last election cycle,” he noted. “You had some people who, in my opinion, did not necessarily vote for Donald Trump, they voted against the Democratic brand.”
During the Palmetto Dinner, Jaime Harrison, the chair emeritus of the Democratic National Committee and a native of Orangeburg, South Carolina, rallied the crowd by highlighting the party’s renewed vigor since Biden exited the stage. “We are more organized, we are more energized, and we are more focused than ever before,” he declared, praising state party chair Christale Spain, who was reelected for a second term. “I am going to be on record right now to the South Carolina Republican Party, 2026 is going to be a reckoning.”
Amanda Loveday, a Democratic strategist in Columbia who was involved in Biden’s 2020 campaign, remains more cautious, acknowledging that South Carolina Democrats, long sidelined in state politics, faced significant losses in the last election. “We lost [state] Senators and House members that we have absolutely no business losing,” Loveday lamented, referencing the defeats of prominent Black lawmakers like state Sen. Gerald Malloy and state Rep. Joseph Jefferson. In the presidential race, Trump’s victory was expected, but he increased his margin by six percentage points compared to 2020.
This landscape fuels speculation that neighboring states like North Carolina and Georgia, which have seen Democratic victories in recent cycles, may make a stronger case to leapfrog South Carolina in the primary calendar.
