Burma Junta Set to Steal First Post-Coup Election | The Gateway Pundit | by Antonio Graceffo

The military junta that assumed power in Burma following the overthrow of its democratically elected government in 2021 has announced plans for elections scheduled for December 28, 2025. However, with the overwhelming majority of pro-democracy and anti-junta parties being banned, observers both within the country and internationally have already deemed the outcome essentially predetermined.

Since July, the military has intensified its nationwide offensives, seeking to reclaim territories lost in the years prior and create a façade of control ahead of the upcoming vote. The Union Election Commission (UEC), which operates under military oversight, released plans in September that excluded resistance-held areas, suggesting the junta anticipates regaining control of these regions before election day. Yet, it completed its controversial census in only 145 of Burma’s 330 townships, leaving 40% of the population uncounted.

This census, purportedly conducted to create voter lists, has faced heavy criticism from human rights groups for functioning as a tool of surveillance and counter-insurgency. Its 68 probing questions surpassed mere voter registration needs, touching on details such as relatives abroad and home languages. This approach is seen as a means to intimidate citizens, particularly targeting supporters of the Civil Disobedience Movement, families of resistance fighters, and those relying on informal remittances.

Digital rights activists have raised alarms about the collection of biometric data—including fingerprints, iris scans, and facial recognition—linked to various state records, thereby enhancing the regime’s surveillance capabilities. Suspiciously, several census questions seem designed to promote ethnic assimilation, asking about the “mainly spoken language at home,” possibly to dilute non-Burman identities and identify populations viewed as disloyal to the regime.

Due to substantial areas remaining outside regime control, the junta plans to conduct elections in phases rather than all at once, with voting expected to unfold over December and January amidst martial law and a declared state of emergency in over 60 townships where military resistance continues.

Since the coup, the UEC has acted more as an instrument of military rule than as an impartial election authority. Although the military-controlled state media claims that 55 parties have registered for the elections, nearly all significant opposition groups—including the National League for Democracy (NLD), which has won the last two elections—have been systematically banned or sidelined under the new Political Party Registration Law. This law appears tailored to advantage the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which retains 25% of parliamentary seats reserved for military officials, minimizing the chances of pro-democracy groups. Burma’s ethnic minorities, representing 30% to 40% of the total population, are also likely to remain largely unrepresented.

China, unsurprisingly, supports the junta’s electoral efforts, as it no longer believes the military can defeat resistance forces through combat. A staged vote may provide a means to stabilize the country under military governance. Since the coup, China has engaged with numerous Myanmar political factions—over ten visits were recorded, with many in 2025 focused on groups recognized by the junta. Delegates toured China’s advancements in surveillance at places like the Guizhou Big Data Center, showcasing a troubling embrace of authoritarian principles.

China’s endorsement of the 2025 elections poses a renewal of the military’s historical “divide-and-rule” strategy, indicating Beijing’s intent to solidify its role as the region’s dominant power broker. Likewise, India and Thailand have cautiously expressed approval of even a flawed electoral system, favoring it over uninterrupted chaos.

Pro-democracy factions and ethnic armed groups vehemently reject the military’s election agenda, perceiving it as a mechanism to entrench illegitimate authority rather than a genuine move towards democratic transition. The National Unity Government (NUG) has urged the international community to condemn both the election and the census, asserting that “the junta intends to conduct a sham election while using the census as a pretext to gather information that will be used against citizens.”

Observers collectively agree that the 2025 elections will not be free or fair; instead, they will serve as a façade for the junta to create a veneer of legitimacy while maintaining the stronghold of authoritarian control—with China playing a pivotal role in this charade. By excluding opposing parties and restricting the vote to government-controlled areas, the junta has effectively stripped the election of its integrity. Given that it lies in Beijing’s interest for the generals to succeed, China is expected to provide technical support for the voting process, likely mirroring its involvement in the census. Consequently, results are anticipated to be manipulated, and junta officials have already warned citizens against protesting the outcome, promising severe penalties for demonstrators.